Tag: War on Ukraine

Articles related to Russia’s criminal and unprovoked aggression against its neighbour and the terrible impacts on indigenous peoples in both Ukraine and Russia

  • Russia’s Supreme Court designated 172 indigenous groups as “terrorist” organizations

    Russia’s Supreme Court designated 172 indigenous groups as “terrorist” organizations

    On November 22, 2024, Russia’s Supreme Court designated 172 indigenous groups as “terrorist” organizations, alleging their involvement in promoting secession and supporting Ukraine’s military efforts, as announced by the Prosecutor General’s Office.

    Authorities assert that these groups function as “structural subdivisions” of the Free Nations of PostRussia Forum, a Poland-based entity established in 2022. This forum identifies itself as a platform advocating for the decolonization and division of Russia into 41 independent states.

    The Prosecutor General’s Office stated that the organization is led by self-proclaimed leaders of national-separatist movements who have fled abroad, aiming to fragment Russia into smaller states under the influence of “unfriendly countries.”

    Previously, in 2023, the Prosecutor General’s Office labeled the Free Nations of PostRussia Forum as an “undesirable organization,” citing threats to Russia’s constitutional order and security, thereby criminalizing any interaction with the forum.

    The Supreme Court was scheduled to review the request to classify the forum as a “terrorist organization” on November 14, 2024.

    Among the groups listed in the recent ruling are the Baltic Republican Party, the Ingria movement, and the Free Yakutia Foundation—three organizations already labeled “extremist” by Russia’s Justice Ministry earlier this year.

    Sargylana Kondakova, co-founder of the Free Yakutia Foundation, an Indigenous rights group from the republic of Sakha (Yakutia), refuted the authorities’ characterization of her organization. She emphasized that the foundation is not part of the Free Nations of PostRussia Forum and does not identify as a nationalist separatist movement. Instead, the foundation focuses on advocating for the rights of Indigenous people in Sakha and combating propaganda within the republic. Kondakova added that while they consider themselves a decolonial movement, their goal is not the partitioning of the Russian Federation into multiple states.

    In June 2024, the Supreme Court banned a vaguely defined “anti-Russian separatist movement” as “extremist,” though rights groups have noted the absence of any formally established organization by that name.

    Subsequently, Russia’s Justice Ministry labeled 54 Indigenous groups and the U.S.-based Free Russia Foundation as “extremist” organizations.

    These actions have raised concerns among Indigenous rights advocates and international observers regarding the suppression of Indigenous movements and the potential infringement on the rights of minority groups within Russia.

  • Disproportionate Mobilization of Indigenous Peoples in Khabarovsk Krai in raw figures

    Disproportionate Mobilization of Indigenous Peoples in Khabarovsk Krai in raw figures

    Author: Maria Vyushkova


    On August 1, 2024, a study was published by the publication “Important Stories” and the independent analytical group Conflict Intelligence Team. Based on data about payments to military personnel and their families, both teams managed to calculate the number of contract soldiers and mobilized personnel recruited from autumn 2022 to April 2024.

    According to these calculations, 4,496 people were mobilized in Khabarovsk Krai.

    How many of them were representatives of the region’s indigenous peoples?

    We can find the answer to this question in the speech of the President of the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North of Khabarovsk Krai Lyubov Odzyal. She delivered this speach at an event called “Special military operation: Contribution of the Indigenous Peoples of the North and Far East”, which was held in Moscow on April 30, 2024, as part of the XIX international exhibition and fair “Treasures of the North”. Lyubov Odzyal stated that 200 representatives of the indigenous peoples of the Khabarovsk Territory were mobilized.

    According to the 2021 census, the population of the Khabarovsk Territory is 1,292,944 people. The indigenous peoples (Nanai, Negidal, Nivkh, Oroch, Udege, Ulchi, Evenki, Evens) number 21,129 people.

    This means that the number of mobilized from the non-indigenous population of the region is approximately 34 people per 10 thousand residents.

    As for the indigenous population the number is about 95 per the same 10 thousand.

    The numbers speak for themselves. Representatives of the indigenous peoples were indeed taken much more often.

    The consequences of this are already visible. In the Udege village of Gvasyugi, only 211 people live according to the census. Five of the mobilized people are now known to have died.

    War and disproportionate mobilization are a direct threat to the future of the indigenous peoples of Khabarovsk Krai.

    References:  

    https://istories.media/stories/2024/08/01/za-dengi-da

    https://vk.com/video-72178198_456239674

    https://ok.ru/video/7419024050720

  • Statement on 5 July 2023

    Statement on 5 July 2023

    On July 5th, the Russian prosecutor general’s office declared The Altai Project an “undesirable organization”. It is the 93rd foreign organization to receive this badge of honor for meaningful and effective support of Russian civil society.

    “The Russian Prosecutor’s office distorts and misrepresents legitimate community-led conservation efforts organized by local activists in Russia,” said The Altai Project director Jennifer Castner. “Their specious accusations are focused on events that occurred between 2006-2018.  In making this announcement, the Russian government is only harming its own citizens – people who are working to protect their right to a clean and healthy environment.”

    The Prosecutor General claims that The Altai Project has been involved in “sabotaging the construction of the Power of Siberia-2 gas pipeline, as well as propaganda work in the Russian and global community, the purpose of which is to publicly convey the need to fight for sacred places” in Altai Republic. In addition, The Altai Project opposes [mining] development … in connection with which The Altai Project causes economic damage to the Russian Federation…. While formally advocating nature conservation, it interferes in the internal affairs of the Russian Federation and may harm Russia’s economic security.”

    With this announcement, the Russian authorities now categorize cooperation or interaction with The Altai Project by Russian citizens, both inside Russia and abroad, as a crime. The Russian Prosecutor General’s press release unironically states that Russian nature conservation, wildlife protection, and cultural heritage preservation are harmful to the country’s security and economic development.

    Centering Russian leaders

    The Altai Project has worked since its founding in 1998 to support community-led nature conservation and biodiversity protection. Until recently, rule-of-law in Russia guaranteed the rights of its citizens to live in a healthy, clean environment, balanced with the just and sustainable use of natural resources, despite increasing challenges to protecting those rights.Independent Russian citizens and Russian independent, non-governmental organizations are more than capable of identifying environmental issues in their local communities, acting to address those issues, and seeking support. Over its decades of work, The Altai Project has simply provided resources, access to expertise and collaboration, and global amplification of voices in Russian civil society.Some of their achievements include:

    • Coordinating public input to decision-makers on plans for a large hydropower dam in the 2000s, resulting in its cancellation;
    • Calls to re-route the Altai Gas Pipeline (renamed Power of Siberia 2) away from the ecologically-sensitive and culturally-sacred Ukok Plateau, ultimately resulting in it being rerouted to the east, away from Altai in 2016; and
    • Community-led monitoring of plans to extract cobalt in key snow leopard habitat. Investors failed to close the deal and the plan evaporated in 2016;
    • Restoration of the snow leopard population in Altai Republic through careful protection and study. This iconic cat has become a valuable economic driver of tourism.

    Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and corrupt governance

    When Russia launched its horrific, full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, The Altai Project spoke out publicly in solidarity with the people and nation of Ukraine, noting, “While we will pause our work in Russia, The Altai Project will continue supporting partners in conservation efforts and advocacy in other parts of Eastern Europe and Eurasia.” The Altai Project has never had any employees in Russia or maintained an office there.

    “Once again, the Russian Prosecutor General has decided to stand with corrupt oligarchs instead of the Russian people,” Jennifer Castner added. “Crackdowns on international organizations (like The Altai Project) that support ordinary Russian citizen leadership to protect their natural heritage only highlight the Russian government’s weakness.”

    Source

  • Why a Siberian Shaman Is a Thorn in the Kremlin’s Side

    Why a Siberian Shaman Is a Thorn in the Kremlin’s Side

    Alexander Gabyshev, a self-styled shaman from Russia’s Far East, has been held in compulsory psychiatric treatment since 2019, after he set out on a cross-country trek to Moscow with the goal of peacefully expelling President Vladimir Putin from power and “restoring democracy” to Russia by performing a shamanic ritual on Red Square.

    On Monday, a court in Russia’s Far East ordered to transfer him from a neuropsychiatric dispensary to a general psychiatric hospital in Yakutsk, where he will undergo a “milder” form of treatment.

    Russia’s Memorial human rights organization has declared Gabyshev to be a political prisoner.

    The Free Yakutia Foundation, an anti-war movement in Gabyshev’s home republic of Sakha, has penned this op-ed on how Gabyshev’s message was able to resonate with so many ordinary Russians.

    Two years have passed since Alexander Gabyshev’s second placement for compulsory treatment in a psychiatric dispensary. The practice of using punitive psychiatry as a tool to silence dissidents has been known and loved in Russia since the persecution of Pyotr Chaadayev by the Okhranka, the Tsar’s security service, in the 19th century. 

    However, the focus of this discussion is not on historical examples, but rather on the phenomenon of the “Warrior Shaman” and its place in both Gabyshev’s native republic of Sakha and Russian politics.

    Alexander Prokopyevich Gabyshev, a janitor, welder, handyman, and graduate of the history department at Yakut State University, initially appeared to be an ordinary citizen who didn’t fit into the prevailing capitalist system. 

    But he, unlike so many others, had the courage to speak out against loneliness, disorder and injustice. 

    His campaign, which began in August 2018, initially had no specific objectives, although Gabyshev identified himself as a pilgrim and someone who embraced the beliefs of Indigenous peoples of the North. 

    
										 					A still from the BBC documentary "From Yakutia to Moscow: The Way of the Shaman against Putin"
    A still from the BBC documentary “From Yakutia to Moscow: The Way of the Shaman against Putin”

    In the summer of the following year, Gabyshev shifted his focus from missionary work to the political agenda, perhaps recognizing the demand for change in his interactions with others. 

    The shaman embarked on a cross-country trek and pledged to hold an Algys ceremony on Red Square, after which, he believed, Putin would resign voluntarily. Despite the seemingly archaic image he adopted, Gabyshev advocated for the establishment of democratic values, emphasizing the need for a balanced relationship between the government and the people:

    “Democracy must be without fear. Now people are afraid to speak, they are afraid that they will be fired, they will be deprived of their salaries… …There must be a balance between the government and the people. And the struggle for balance sometimes goes on, yes, by bloody methods, if the tyrannical state regimes do not allow them to balance their power in a democratic way. And Putin will defend statehood, which we will now try to balance with democracy.”

    Although Alexander Gabyshev’s campaign was short-lived, any news related to the “Warrior Shaman” inevitably garnered millions of views and thousands of supportive comments. Additionally, he amassed a sizable group of direct followers. 

    What caused this?

    The popularity of this unsuccessful and seemingly naive protest march can be attributed to the boldness and simplicity of Gabyshev’s image. One can draw parallels between his trek from Russia’s Far East to Moscow with Mahatma Gandhi’s “Salt March,” Lenin’s “walkers,” or even with the plot of the 1998 Russian tragicomedy starring Mikhail Evdokimov, “Why Don’t We Send… a Messenger?” 

    
										 					A still from the BBC documentary "From Yakutia to Moscow: The Way of the Shaman against Putin"
    A still from the BBC documentary “From Yakutia to Moscow: The Way of the Shaman against Putin”

    The shaman’s pilgrimage to Red Square is a peaceful and relatable expression of despair, representing an ordinary person’s final attempt to reach out to the authorities in Moscow. The homemade shaman’s tambourine becomes the voice of millions of Russians, and the smoke from an unlit ritual bonfire symbolizes the fire that those who haven’t heard the “Shaman Warrior’s” call will soon witness.

    It may be that the dictator’s superstitious nature and love for rituals and spiritualism played a role in the decisive and aggressive arrest of the shaman. Currently, Gabyshev remains under compulsory treatment, effectively making him a political prisoner. 

    In the eyes of the Kremlin, this former welder and hard worker is deemed more dangerous than Navalny and Yashin, as the rebellion of an ordinary person, which resonates with most Russians, is difficult to analyze and predict in terms of its potential threat to the existing constitutional order.

    Source

  • Seminar: The war’s impact on Indigenous peoples of Russia

    Russia’s military attack on Ukraine has significantly impacted the life of Indigenous Peoples in Russia. One of the implications of this situation is that some Indigenous representatives who have openly opposed Russia’s actions in Ukraine, have had to leave their native land for security reasons. For Indigenous peoples, the connection to their land is an integral part of their culture.  

    There are many Sámi activists who fled Russia after the start of the war in Ukraine. This event will address the impact of the war on relations between the Sámi on the Russian side of the border and Sámi on the Norwegian side of the border. What is the current situation of the Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East after the Russian invasion of Ukraine?

    In this event we will meet representatives of the Sámi People of Kola Peninsula.

    Panel: Andrei Danilov, Aleksandr Slupachik, Andrei Zhvavyi, Valentina Sovkina, Dmitry Berezhkov. 

    Date: 15.07.2023

    Time: 14:00

    Place: Báldalávvues

  • Activist organizes concert in Yarmouth to benefit Ukrainian children

    Activist organizes concert in Yarmouth to benefit Ukrainian children

    Pavel Sulyandziga and a Yarmouth High School student have teamed up to present a benefit concert performed by his opera singer son, Pavel Sulyandziga Jr.

    Human rights activist Pavel Sulyandziga Sr. of Yarmouth has been fighting for the rights of his fellow Crimean Tartar people for years and empathizes with the people of Ukraine suffering through the Russian invasion.

    With the help of his son and a Yarmouth High School student, he is organizing a benefit concert for Ukrainian children. The concert, featuring his son, opera singer Pavel Sulyandziga Jr., will be held from 6 p.m. to 7 p.m. Sunday, June 11, at the Universalist Church in Yarmouth. Attendance is free but donations are encouraged. Sulyandziga Jr. also performed to benefit Ukraine last year at the church.

    “For me, it’s very sad and painful to see how Russia became an aggressor,” Sulyandziga Sr.  told The Forecaster with the help of interpreter Vera Solovyeva. “Families have been shattered by the war and separated.”

    Sulyandziga is chairperson of the Board of the International Development Fund of Indigenous Peoples of Russia, which “helps Indigenous people to protect their rights and in their efforts to get justice, life and dignity,” he said. The foundation was 10 years old in 2014 when Russia occupied Crimea, and the Russian government declared it a foreign agent in 2015, he said. In 2016, foundation workers were charged as criminals and forced to leave the country. Sulyandziga settled in Yarmouth, was granted asylum and registered the foundation as an NGO in the U.S. in 2018.

    As a former member of the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation, he said he felt a particular duty to stand up against Russian wrongdoings in Ukraine.

    “The future of any country are children, and children are the most vulnerable part of society, so we must help them for the future of the nation,” Sulyandziga said. 

    When his son proposed a concert to raise funds for Ukrainian children, he supported the idea as a way to bring awareness to the plight of the people and families of Ukraine, he said. 

    Yarmouth High School freshman Katya Fromuth heard about the plan for a benefit concert and wanted to be involved in the “really great cause.” The plight of Ukrainians had been weighing on her.

    “Always seeing it on the news and hearing it on the radio, it makes you want to do something,” Fromuth said.

    She has been involved in political activism from a very young age, she said, and offered her volunteer services to Sulyandziga, who welcomed them.

    “I really want to appreciate Katya’s support in organizing the concert and event,” he said.

    Music is a beautiful way to appeal to empathy and humanity, Fromuth said.

    “Sometimes things are better sung than spoken,” she said, adding that the pain of what others have experienced often comes through more clearly in music than in conversation.

    “It can be easy to forget very important things that are happening in other parts of the world,” she said.

    The event will open with a speech from a representative of the Crimean Tartar Resource Center, the organization which the event will benefit. The center is working towards the de-occupation and reintegration of Crimea.

    Source

  • Mark Zdor: “I was threatened with arrest in RAIPON”

    Mark Zdor: “I was threatened with arrest in RAIPON”

    Interview with youth activist of the indigenous peoples of the North of Russia Mark Zdor.

    We met with Mark Zdor in Berlin, in the building of the Bundestag (German Parliament), where we took part in parliamentary hearings on the problems of the indigenous peoples of Russia.

    A young guy, strong, downed – a representative of the Chukchi people turned out to be an interesting conversationalist. To my question – how did he end up in Berlin and why did he come, he replied: “it’s a long story.” I, in turn, explained that I have time and I am ready to listen if the story is interesting. Here’s what he said.

    Hello Mark. Nice to meet you. I did not expect at all that I would meet one of our northerners in Berlin. My name is Dmitry and I am the editor of the Russia of Indigenous Peoples website. We publish materials about the rights and problems of the indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East, and of course it was very interesting to meet you in Germany . Who you are? Tell a few words about yourself.

    My name is Mark Zdor. I was born in the small village of Neshkan, on the shores of the Chukchi Sea. This is a Chukotka village of sea hunters and reindeer herders. I was brought up on the traditional values ​​of the Chukchi – take care of nature, respect elders, value freedom and equal rights for everyone.

    After finishing school, I continued my education. In 2014, I graduated from the Khabarovsk School as a plasterer-painter. In 2020, I graduated from the College of Physical Culture and Sports with a degree in physical education and sports teacher, wrestling coach and teacher.

    In 2020, I entered the Herzen University of St. Petersburg at the Institute of the Peoples of the North. Philology became my specialization. At the University, I also studied the culture of the peoples of the North of Russia. I dreamed of exploring the current state of the Chukchi language and the dynamics of its use. I also have some research experience. I wrote a research essay on the topic “National Sports of the Peoples of the North”. Despite the fact that I am currently in exile, I continue to study the cultural values ​​of my people. 

    Are you in exile? So you left Russia? Forever? How did it happen?

    It’s quite hard to figure it out, but in general, during the time when I was in college and then at the university, I got involved in social activities because I realized that no one but us, representatives of the indigenous peoples, can preserve our identity.

    In 2019, I joined the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia, and Far East of the Russian Federation (RAIPON) – you probably know about this organization.

    Yes, heard.

    In RAIPONe, I started working in a youth organization. We have put a lot of time and effort into preserving the culture of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Arctic. I dreamed of visiting all the Arctic regions of Russia in order to personally get acquainted with the culture of the indigenous peoples who live there. In those years, I was sure that we, at RAIPON, were working to protect the rights and preserve the identity of the indigenous peoples of Russia and the world. I worked there very actively, I think.

    In 2020, the Vice President of RAIPON, Veysalova Nina Glebovna, “recommended” us to vote for Putin’s amendments to the Russian Constitution. Many of my colleagues in social work, representatives of the youth of indigenous peoples, students were indignant at the fact that we were dictated what to vote for.

    We were told that this would do us good, but we all understood that this was only necessary so that Vladimir Putin would have the opportunity to be elected for another presidential term. After these events, I realized that RAIPON is a quasi-governmental organization and became distrustful of its leaders and their activities.

    Nina Glebovna personally threatened me with prison. As it turned out, the leadership of RAIPON and the Institute of the Peoples of the North have a close relationship. They discuss everything among themselves and report to the University about political activists – students from among the indigenous peoples. All my peers who criticized the Russian authorities were psychologically pressured by RAIPON leaders and threatened with expulsion, problems with employment, and even imprisonment.

    After the poisoning of Alexei Navalny in 2021, I finally came to the conclusion that political changes are needed in Russia. Like many tens of thousands of Russians, I went out to protest at the beginning of 2021. After the January rallies, I was called to the St. Petersburg branch of RAIPON because I posted a post about the rally on Instagram. Because of the persecution, many members of our youth organization were afraid to protest and speak out against political repression in Russia. At RAIPON, I was threatened with expulsion from the university, that they would make sure that no one would hire me, as well as with arrest and even prison. The leaders of RAIPON also forced me to return to the organization, tried in many ways to change my views. In addition, they tried to bribe me – they offered me paid work. Despite these threats, I eventually left RAIPON.

    But how did you end up abroad?

    In February 2022, immediately after the start of the war, I was detained in St. Petersburg at a rally “AGAINST THE WAR IN UKRAINE” and taken to the police station. A day later, a trial took place and I was fined.

    At the police station, they told me that we, the protesters, are enemies of the people, and Putin supports the actions of the police and they can do whatever they want with us. In the police station where I was, the policemen mocked us, did not let us drink. We also could not sleep, because. the cell of the police station was overcrowded. My friend brought me a package – food, water and clothes, but they didn’t let him in and they didn’t give me the package, and they didn’t let us see a lawyer from a human rights organization, where we managed to report our arrest. Some of the guys were beaten, they did not let an ambulance to them for a long time, which was eventually called only after 5 hours in the cage.

    After I was released from the police and I came to the university, they began to threaten me with expulsion and prison, and RAIPON representatives called and wrote to my relatives also with threats. After this arrest and before leaving Russia, the police came to my house several times. They checked what I was doing, even on weekends.

    A couple of days after the arrest, I also received a message from a person with the nickname “Criminalist”. She wrote to me on social networks with words of support, but I suspect that it was some kind of provocateur on the part of the security forces. As a result, I closed access for outsiders to my page. I think she was testing me for extremism. Later, I also learned that both the University and RAIPON sent a testimonial to the police department, where they described me in a negative way.

    And by mid-March, it became known that in connection with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Russian legislation was sharply tightened and that arrests at rallies would lead to criminal cases. Therefore, I decided to leave Russia. I bought tickets for the next flight and flew to Georgia. At the Moscow airport, the border guards searched me and my personal belongings, but let me out of the country.

    Yes, but how did you end up in Germany?

    Since March 16, 2022, I have lived in Georgia for a whole year. At first he was afraid to return because of his anti-war position. But then, when the mobilization began, I realized that the opportunity to be mobilized for war was added to this. Therefore, I applied to the German Embassy in Georgia in order to obtain a humanitarian visa. I told my story in an interview, showed documents that I was arrested, about police supervision and others. As a result, I received a humanitarian visa and flew to Germany.

    Already when I was here, I received an invitation from the Bundestag to come to Berlin and tell my story.

    Thanks Mark for sharing. I hope that in the future you will have the opportunity to live in safety and study the culture and language of your people, as you originally planned, even while in Germany.

    03/30/2023, Berlin, Germany

    Source

  • Polarization in Siberia: Thwarted Indigeneity and Sovereignty

    Polarization in Siberia: Thwarted Indigeneity and Sovereignty

    Marjorie Mandelstam Balzer updates her monograph Galvanizing Nostalgia?  to explore why many in the republics are against Russia’s war in Ukraine.  Drawing on long-term fieldwork in Sakha, Tyva and Buryatia and with diaspora communities, she outlines an uneven legacy of revitalization and grievances in relation to the Kremlin and its policies.

    As we rethink our approaches to Russia, its colonizing history, and its current leaders’ aggressions against Ukraine, we must also consider vast parts of Russia’s eastern lands that are understudied and too often misunderstood. A Sakha (Yakut) engineer explains that most of his mining friends abhor Russia’s war in Ukraine. A creative gaming company founded in Yakutsk has decamped to Thailand with hundreds of its IT workers’ families. COVID crisis call centers in some republics have switched to mobilization information, fielding calls mostly from frantic women trying to save their husbands and sons. Women protesters in Yakutsk braved cold and jail to stage an antiwar dance chant (ohuokhai) in the main square; many were arrested.

    Such narratives challenge surveys and publicity asserting that most “Russians” (Rossiyane) patriotically support the war or are not courageous enough to oppose it. Resistance, including arson against military recruitment offices, has diversified. Are non-Russians inside the republics, given their disproportionate mobilization, the exception to generalizations about citizen support for Putin’s fatal regime? Could Russia’s faltering “Federation” fall apart? These and other hot issues regarding the peoples of Siberia are explored in my Galvanizing Nostalgia? Indigeneity and Sovereignty in Siberia, featuring long-term anthropology fieldwork in three republics, Sakha, Buryatia and Tyva. I argue that Northeastern territories, disproportionately influenced by climate change, hold important keys to Russia’s wealth, development, and stability.

    One theory about the timing of the invasion of Ukraine suggests that Putin hoped for a diversionary victory that could unite Russia’s multiethnic peoples against an artificial outside enemy, staving off domestic political, economic and ecological discontent. Instability and dissent have been building in the republics since Putin came to power and abrogated Yeltsin’s 1990s negotiated bilateral treaties. Polarization has grown, although secessionist claims were rare until the Ukraine war, and today are expressed mostly by diaspora politicians without relatives inside who could be punished.

    Sakha: Resource Rich and Pivotal

    The Sakha Republic, said to contain most of Mendeleev’s table, is crucial for Russia’s war economy. Its Putin-appointed yes-man leader Aisen Nikolaev has conformed to central pressures, including at a Northern Forum conference in late 2022, where a Soviet-style panel celebrating “100 years of republic sovereignty within Russia” lauded a history of mutually beneficial federal relations enabling “massive investment projects, social programs, increased infrastructure, resource innovation, spiritual development and the growth of unique culture.”

    “But this paternalistic propaganda is belied by resentments against resource extraction without environmental protections and by economic recentralization that has robbed the republic of their cuts of diamond profits.”

    Sakha citizens use an old Sakha word “Il Darkhan” (Elder-Leader) for their head of government to cleverly avoid the forbidden term President, and are proud of their Turkic language. The Sakha have regained a slim majority in the republic over the plurality Russian and Ukrainian population, in addition to Even, Evenki and Yukaghir Indigenous minorities. Many republic citizens, sometimes calling themselves Yakutiane, dream of greater negotiated sovereignty and hide their sons in disgust against a war they refuse to gloss as a righteous “military operation.”

    Buryatia: Gerrymandered and Struggling

    Buryatia, impoverished and gerrymandered, has a legacy as a once powerful Mongolic Buddhist state on the border with Mongolia. The dismemberment of “Greater Buryatia” began in the early Soviet period precisely because Russian central authorities perceived Buryat-Mongols as a serious threat. Today the Buryat constitute about a third of the Republic of Buryatia. They lost under Putin two satellite regions, Ust-Orda and Aga, sequentially amalgamated by rigged referenda in 2006 and 2008 into neighboring Irkutsk and Chita (now Zabaikalsk Krai) regions. Powerless to resist, many Buryat nonetheless resent land claims, privatization, non-negotiated development, and propaganda since 2014 that has proclaimed them “Putin’s Militant Buryats.” While Buryatia is known for high education rates and pervasive Russification, Buryats have fought for their language rights and the ecology of Lake Baikal together with some Russian allies. Their first President Leonid Potapov in the 1990s was a Buryat-speaking Russian. The initial post-Soviet period enabled conditions for successful revival of shamanic and Buddhist spirituality in the republic, and also for an influx of Chinese and other outsiders.

    Tyva: A Borderline State with Demographic Advantages

    Tyva (Tuva), nestled in the Altai-Sayan Mountains, came into the Soviet Union as a mere oblast at approximately the same time as the Baltic States. From 1921-44, the country of Tannu (Taiga)-Touva had its own monetary unit called aksha, and collector-worthy stamps. With longer borders than the current republic, it had been a protectorate of Mongolia in the early twentieth century. It became a republic inside Russia (RSFSR) quite late, 1961. Empowered by demographics but not mineral wealth, the republic is well over three quarters Tyvan. Many Russians fled its territory after anti-Russian unrest as the Soviet Union dissolved. In the early 1990s, a party called “Khostug Tyva” (Free Tyva) advocated separation from Russia, but cooler heads prevailed, such as that of activist Kadyr-ool Bicheldei, and Tyva accepted its economic dependency on Moscow. It is native son Sergei Shoigu has become Putin’s friend and Minister of Defense. Many of its impoverished unemployed youth have become soldiers on the front lines of the Ukraine war, despite their Buddhist backgrounds. Sadly, some became targets of seemingly racist Donetsk republic militias’ brutalization.

    Soviet-style repressions and Revitalization

    Cultural and civilizational ties among citizens of the eastern republics have been alternately ignored or considered threatening at various levels of government. Practicing divide and rule strategies, Soviet authorities repressed pan-Turkismpan-Mongolism and homegrown Eurasianism without valuing their potential influence in defusing chauvinist types of more narrow nationalism. All three of these crossover ideologies have blossomed in the post-Soviet period with horizontal contacts, fluctuating degrees of official support, attempted cooption and understanding. People are nostalgic for various pasts, differentially interpreted and used in leaders’ rhetoric in various ways. Multiple and situational identities have flourished as many Siberians have become increasingly cosmopolitan. Particularly fascinating have been cross-republic revivals of shamanic and Buddhist activism, enabling all three republics to open themselves to mutual cultural pilgrimage, tourism and international spiritual seeking. The popular movement of shaman Alexander represents an example of the Putin regime’s return to Soviet-style repression of dissent using punitive psychiatry.

    The China factor

    A controversial aspect of politics and economic dependencies involves the degree of China’s influence in Russia’s eastern territories. While the Chinese presence is significant, it is crucial for analysts to be geographically nuanced, differentiating regions from sub-regions, republics from oblasts, and Siberia from the Far East, two separate mega-zones in official Russian conceptions. China has historical claims on certain territories north of the Amur River, but is far less interested in occupying all of Siberia in the Western sense. The presence of seasonal Chinese traders and workers in the Sakha Republic hardly makes it a target of territorial expansion. A Power of Siberia pipeline running to China does not give the Chinese territorial rights, nor does their observer status in the Arctic Council.

    Ethnonational fault lines

    Further interethnic complexities are built into Russia’s legal definition of “Indigenous people,” which diverges from international usage. Russian law defines its “Native” (korennye, from ‘rooted’) peoples as only “small-numbered” (under 50,000), while United Nations definitions incorporate larger non-state ethnonational groups with long-recognized homelands, such as the Sakha, Buryat, Tyvans, Khakas and Altaians. While recognition as Indigenous can be beneficial in the international context, it is less commonly used by peoples with named (titular) republics. A two-tiered system exists within the republics for “small-numbered” peoples, such as the Even, Evenki, Yukaghir, Todja, Akha and Soyot, some of whom complain of dual assimilation pressures. These are compounded by restrictive 2022 registration procedures, and new decrees that mobilize previously exempt Siberian Natives into the war in Ukraine. Many groups claim victimization with discourses raging along ethnonational lines. This influences how non-Russian elites in the republics think about their relationships with the federal center.

    Russia’s valiant but dispersed opposition and its multinational “matryoshka doll” composition reveal fault lines in Russian society. While wide-ranging protests have been repressed, hopes for cultural, personal and societal dignity have not. Each republic within Russia valorizes different legacies, and has had various relationships with Moscow in the past century. Some are more polarized than others, especially those in the North Caucasus. Russia’s society is more fragile than many analysts realize. Whether Russia eventually will fragment along the lines of its republics, or hold at least partly together in a real federation through negotiation and nested sovereignty depends on its peoples pulling back from dangers of violence that result from mutual polarization. Siberians merit being on the map of international awareness, for their striking multiethnic histories and their strategic significance for Russia’s survival.

    As the most enterprising and morally attuned of Russia’s multiethnic intelligentsia and workers abandon the country, recovering intertwined cultural, societal, political, ecological and economic conditions that could heal Putin’s authoritarianism becomes increasingly unrealistic. Russia may spiral out of any single leader’s control.

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  • One year after Russia’s Ukraine invasion, circumpolar diplomats take stock

    One year after Russia’s Ukraine invasion, circumpolar diplomats take stock

    TORONTO — Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last year upended almost 30 years of Arctic cooperation, but it’s also brought northern allies even closer together, a group of diplomats from the world’s circumpolar countries told a Canadian conference on Wednesday.

    By Eilís Quinn 

    “It’s been a very dramatic year for the world, for Europe and for North America,” Jon Elvedal Fredriksen, Norway’s ambassador to Canada, told the Arctic360 conference in Toronto. 

    “Having said that, I think it’s also important to realize that we have energized a lot of partnerships between friends in the North. I think we’ve all demonstrated that we are eager to work with each other and have a lot of themes, problems and challenges we need to work with in the Arctic regardless of what’s going on elsewhere.”

    The seven western states, often referred to as the Arctic 7, suspended their participation in the Arctic Council’s work in March 2022 in protest against Russia’s invasion saying the war undermined many of the founding principles of the Arctic forum, which include sovereignty and territorial integrity based on international law.

    In June, the A7 announced they’d resume work together on some of the forum’s projects, but without Moscow.

    Heidi Kutz, Canada’s senior arctic official and the director general of Arctic, Eurasian, and European Affairs at Global Affairs Canada, says this was an important signal to the international community and northern residents. 

    “Like-minded states reactivated their cooperation,” Kutz said. “It can’t be business as usual with Russia, and that’s obvious because of the action that they took, but in June of last year we’ve been working across our partnerships and reactivated all of those … and I think that was important.”

    Strengthening the western alliance 

    Russia’s invasion of Ukraine this year has transformed the security picture in Europe and prompted both Sweden and Finland to apply for NATO membership.

    Their applications were approved and the accession protocols for both countries were signed on July 5. Twenty-eight of the 30 member countries have ratified the protocols so far. Turkey and Hungary are the remaining two countries that need to do so.

    “What the Russian aggression on Ukraine brought forth is that I don’t think NATO, and the western alliance, has ever been so closely linked,” Roy Eriksson, Finland’s Ambassador to Canada, said. “We kind of found each other again.”

    Opportunity for closer ties with Canada 

    Eriksson said that includes bilateral relations between Ottawa and Helsinki.

     “I don’t think Finnish-Canadian relations have ever been so close as they are now,” he said.

    Norway’s Fredriksen agrees.

    “Cooperating with Russia was the centre of Norwegian High North policy. There is always limited capacity, and with that focus, there was perhaps less attention on what we could do with Canadian partners, or partners from Alaska or other partners in the western Arctic.

    “In the current situation, there can be no business as usual with Russia, so there should be capacity now to look at some of those partnerships and personally, I think we should spend a lot more time moving that forward.” 

    The Arctic360 conference is put on by the eponymously named think tank.

    This year’s theme is Tilting the Globe: Accelerating Cooperation, Innovation and Opportunity and focuses on business development and the changing geopolitical context in the North.

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